2021.05.03 國際新聞導讀-以色列發生冓火節踐踏死傷事件、以色列組閣將換人進行、伊朗西元前600年阿契美尼德時代鐵器作坊被發現、巴勒斯坦取消大選引爆不滿 在梅隆（Meron）遭遇災難之後，哈雷迪姆（Haredim）質疑自己的自治權的代價 超東正教媒體人士呼籲進行調查，並抨擊該州讓其社區危害自身 通過哈維沃·雷蒂格古爾 今天晚上9:59 7 2021年4月30日，一名Meron暗戀受害者的葬禮上，一名超正統派猶太人在Bnei Brak的一座墓地裡哭泣（GIL COHEN-MAGEN / AFP） 週五在梅隆山發生的災難仍然令人震驚。受害者的墳墓，包括在暗戀中喪生的兒童，仍然很新鮮。然而，關於一切對國家和哈雷迪社會意味著什麼的爭論才剛剛開始。 一些壓倒一切的事實，尤其是幾乎所有的受害者都是Haredi，正在推動一種不尋常的新的內省，並導致社區的主要媒體反抗其一個特徵：長期以來受到批評的“自治”。以色列國。 以色列的哈雷迪人同時是更廣泛的以色列社會的一部分。以色列社區佔以色列人口總數的12％，並不統一。不同的教派和亞文化與國家和其他亞群體的相互作用方式非常不同。儘管以色列人經常提到的這種“自治”並不涵蓋所有哈雷迪姆，但它涵蓋了足夠多的社區，因此，現在越來越多的哈雷迪姆認為，這是一個嚴重的問題。 有人看到以色列現金經濟研究的自主性，指出了哈雷迪社區的大規模逃稅行為；在Mea Shearim，Beit Shemesh和其他地方與警察發生例行沖突；拒絕參加國民服役；在拒絕教授非哈雷迪學校所教授的基本課程的學校網絡中；最近，由於過去一年中許多Hasidic派別拒絕大流行封鎖。 2021年4月29日，超正統派猶太人聚集在以色列北部梅隆山的猶太教教士西蒙·巴爾·約查（Rabbi Shimon Bar Yochai）的墓地上，慶祝猶太節日Lag B'Omer。（賈拉瑪莉/法新社） 這是一個以軟弱無聊的語言談論自己的社區，總是在街頭爭吵或政治爭吵中遠離“法令”，“逼迫”和“反猶太主義”的言論。Haredi媒體描述了削減福利或要求在學校中引入更多數學教育的建議，這些藉詞是從東歐沙皇壓迫中藉來的。 這種虛弱和受害的言論的目的是：隱瞞或為相反的現實辯護。作為一個群體，Haredim並不弱。他們足夠強大，可以不斷擴展和捍衛各自的學校系統，為自己的社區建立城鎮和街區，維持一種自我統治，迫使以色列政客從字面上乞求哈雷迪拉比領導人（通常以失敗告終）遵守冠狀病毒的限制。 Meron災難的故事與Haredi自治的更大篇章，Haredi習慣於在地面上證明其實力和獨立性的事實，然後在挑戰這些步驟時哭泣“迫害”的習慣背道而馳。 自發的奇怪意思 災難發生後的兩天裡，調查人員和新聞記者發現了過去幾年來關於梅龍（Meron）站點安全問題的令人沮喪的漫長警告。國家主計長的報告，警察現場分析，在以色列議會聽證會上認真的安全官員的嚴厲訓誡-全都置若de聞。 這些記錄表明，如果梅隆山（Mount Meron）場地舉辦了其他任何形式的活動（如搖滾音樂會或政治集會），那麼警察安全法規將限制大約15,000人的出勤率。週五的活動有超過100,000人參加。 在梅隆（Meron）的拉比西蒙（Rabbi Shimon Bar Yochai）的墳墓上，滿是祈禱披巾的人。2017年10月11日（David Cohen / Flash90 / File） 他們還表明，以色列官員根本不相信有可能要求哈雷迪社區提出這樣的限制。 正如一位前高級警察在周末每天對《葉迪奧特·阿赫羅諾斯》（Yidioth Ahronoth）所說的那樣：“如果警察的安全工程師在紀念前對現場進行最後一次檢查，他們將試圖關閉Toldot Aharon庭院（發生災難的地方）—您認為該決定會得到執行嗎？……甚至警察局長也不能做到這一點。如果有人嘗試，那是他們在警察局的最後工作。” 按照哈雷迪宗教領袖的要求行事的哈雷迪政黨一定會做到這一點。 正如記者Nadav Eyal在周日的Yedioth Ahronoth專欄中指出的那樣，Meron節被警方正式歸類為“自發的宗教事件”。這是聚會的荒謬術語。Lag B'Omer節不僅是在一個已知的假期（即Lag B'Omer）以非常不自發的方式舉行的，而且還構成了該國最大的年度宗教聚會。 需要進行數月的計劃。它的許多不同部分以及篝火晚會和音樂表演均經過朝聖的競爭宗派和宗教基金會之間進行了精心劃分。 成千上萬的超正統猶太人在慶祝猶太節日Lag B'Omer在山上慶祝篝火。2021年4月29日，以色列北部的梅隆（David Cohen / Flash90） 政府每年在來自Haredi鎮的舞台，看台和包車上花費一小筆錢。每年，有六個政府機構都在努力爭取信譽。 因此，當警察將事件標記為“自發”時，它們並不意味著該事件實際上是自發的。這是承認警方無法控制事件的一種方式，即使法律要求，他們也無法施加出勤上限或基礎設施標準。 星期四，在災難發生前數小時，內政部長Aryeh Deri向Haredi廣播電台Kol Hai吹噓說，他已成功阻止衛生部官員因擔心冠狀病毒而限制參加人數。德里（Deri）感到遺憾的是，該部的專業人士並沒有意識到，參加者將受到梅隆音樂節（Meron Festival）紀念的第二世紀聖賢拉比（Rabbi Shimon Bar Yochai）的精神影響而受到保護。 沙斯黨主席Aryeh Deri在2021年3月23日在耶路撒冷舉行的大選中投票（Yonatan Sindel / Flash90） 他說：“政府職員不理解。” “這是一個神聖的日子，是猶太人[每年]最大的聚會。” 他建議說，壞事不會發生在宗教朝聖的猶太人身上：“在遇難時，應該相信拉比·西蒙。” 甚至當他吹噓自己和Haredi社區的政治權力時，他本能地也運用了受害者性的言論。他敦促聽眾“為處於危險中的律法世界和猶太教祈禱。他們處於極大的危險中。” 自治的終結？ 在梅隆，孩子被壓死了。健壯的醫護人員在電視上哭泣。當山上的蜂窩網絡崩潰時，恐懼的家庭被減少到社交媒體上分享失踪親人的照片，以進行絕望的聯繫。一名救助者向記者描述，當他不得不對一個遭受折磨的同事大喊以停止試圖挽救一名兒童時，他說：“這是沒有希望的，我們必須設法挽救他人。” 2021年4月30日，以色列北部猶太人梅隆山（Moron Meron）猶太節日Lag B'Omer的慶祝活動中，遇難者喪生，救援人員和警察在現場喪生。（David Cohen / Flash90） 世俗的以色列的抱怨不會令哈雷迪社會質疑它為抵制國家現代化影響而建立的一種奇怪的自治泡沫，作為對國家現代化影響的文化防禦，也不會質疑哈雷迪拉比和他們的法院的力量，他們的自負和爭吵將聖地分割成相互隔開的庭院並助長了周五的致命混亂。但是，梅隆（Meron）的破碎形象刺穿了勇氣的自我保證，並至少在目前暫時保持沉默，沒有任何關於哈雷迪（Haredi）自我統治的誇耀。 當自信的聲音漸漸消失為震驚的寂靜時，其他聲音揚起，憤怒的自我批評的呼聲在哈雷迪社會的主流中很少聽到。 所有聲音都傳達出一個信息：國家對我們領導人的敬意使這場災難降臨到了我們身上。 猶太節日Lag B'Omer在Mt. 2021年4月30日在以色列北部的梅隆（David Cohen / Flash90） 哈雷迪周刊發行量最大的《米甚帕恰》雜誌編輯尤西·埃利圖夫（Yossi Elituv）敦促其追隨者不要只關注警察的失誤或缺乏政府的監督。 他在周五寫道：“我們的社區也有義務學習課程。” 第一個教訓：國家必須介入並結束混亂。“我們的首要任務是使山區擺脫[宗教]捐贈的控制……。州政府需要建立一個專業機構來管理該地點……將山丘從the賦中移開，並授予其西牆的地位，對違反規則的容忍度為零。” 在星期天早上，Elituv跟進了四個字的推文：“現在是國家調查委員會！” Haredi周刊Bakehilla的編輯Moty Weinstock得出了同樣的結論。 他宣稱：“在梅龍，任何解決方案都比向整座山下達命令，取消宗教捐贈和拆除所有（指定給特定宗派的）地區要少得多，這將確保恐怖的畫面再次出現，”他宣布。 在社交媒體上，在其他報紙上，包括《哈西迪奇》的中流Ham柱《哈馬威瑟》，以及無數媒體採訪中，以色列哈雷迪人都問了同樣的問題，提出了同樣的抱怨。 一個已經說服自己可以輕視國家當局要求的社區突然間以越來越大的信心和誠懇呼喚“秩序”和“權威”，要求國家施加控制權，拉比法庭的驕傲和自豪。虛榮被詛咒。 新假設 與對自己的最基本主張相反，哈雷迪猶太教既不拘泥也不改變。新的想法被過濾掉，舊的想法被重新解釋。哈雷迪生活的學者談到了廣泛的文化和社會習俗中的深刻變化，從不斷增加的哈雷迪姆高等教育，勞動力和軍隊，到婦女的新角色和新的政治忠誠，這些共同推動著社區的發展。與以色列主流社會的更深入融合。 然而，變革需要一個基本條件：變革必須悄悄發生。假設轉移未得到承認，新的做法被視為古老而司空見慣的做法。 以Haredi猶太復國主義為例。十年前，沙斯黨正式宣布自己是猶太復國主義政黨，並加入了世界猶太復國主義組織。但是宣言卻低語，沒有大聲喊叫。今天，沒有任何一位沙斯選民相信，直到十年前，該黨才正式稱自己為猶太復國主義者，並避免加入猶太復國主義機構。 在阿什肯納齊方面，情況是一樣的。二十年前，以色列的阿什肯納茲·哈雷迪姆（Ashkenazi Haredim）拒絕承認陣亡將士紀念日在軍事公墓舉行的儀式。他們抱怨說，軍事儀式是從其他國家借來的。猶太人必須以自己的古老方式進行紀念。然後，在過去的十年中，在沒有大驚小怪，大張旗鼓或沒有任何形式明確承認的情況下，聯合律法猶太人政客們主持了這些儀式，擔任以色列政府的正式代表，與穿著緊身衣的女兵們站在一起，躺著。花圈在具體的紀念館。 只要不大聲承認變化，哈雷迪社會就可以與時俱進。 戴著祈禱披肩的超正統猶太人在篝火旁聚集，他們在拉格·奧默爾山（Lag B'Omer）慶祝活動中參加拉比·希蒙·拉比（Rabbai Shimon）酒吧Yochai的墳墓旁的祈禱。2012年5月10日，星期四，以色列北部的Meron。（美聯社照片/ Ariel Schalit） 在2018年，就在他參加那年的Lag B'Omer朝梅龍朝聖之旅之後，Haredi記者Aryeh Erlich在推特上發布了對現場狹窄通道的擔憂： [Hasidic教派]造成了人為的瓶頸和可怕的推ving，以致被壓迫的危險迫在眉睫。這是唯一的出口……。在打開寬闊且醒目的標記出口之前，他們不得在該地點再次舉行篝火晚會。” Erlich的推文在星期五流行開了，正好三年了。 週日，在他對特拉維夫地區廣播電台103 FM的採訪中，他精確地預測了這場災難，埃利希否認任何因死亡而對哈雷迪社會的指責。 “你怎麼能責怪Haredi公眾？” 他要求。梅隆朝聖之旅“已經持續了550年。” 那誰該怪？“是警察批准了這次活動。有明確的規定。沒有安全人員，沒有簽字並批准的警察，就不可能發生任何事情，這就是在梅隆（Meron）發生的事情。” 他補充說，這是一種“主權”。那個主權國家“決定不理會[危險]，而是選擇了偽劣的即興創作，並且沒有強加安全標準。哈雷迪政黨是這裡的受害者。警察現在說，由於[Haredi政黨]，他們沒有執行應做的事情，這並不嚴重。警察應該執行法律。” 以色列救援部隊和警察在慶祝猶太節日Lag B'Oomer在Mt. 2021年4月30日在以色列北部的梅隆（David Cohen / Flash90） 期望的關鍵在於，它非常否認Haredi的可惡性標誌著其從Haredi自治中轉移出來的信號。埃利希（Erlich）批評他為捍衛Haredi政治領袖。但是即使在這裡，責任全都歸咎於以色列警察，論點是相同的：警察不再僅因哈雷迪宗教派別要求而忽略安全規則的權利。通過敢於允許哈雷迪自治權壓倒他們的安全，國家怎麼敢冒險冒著其哈雷迪公民的生命危險？ 梅隆（Meron）的災難不會導致社區中的任何人質疑其獨立存在的其他要素，例如其獨立的學校系統。一次悲劇不會改變如此根本的事情。但是現在那些要求國家和警察接管梅隆的人，那些現在公開地（而不是公開地）質疑其領導人的智慧和社區的分離精神的人，將在未來將這一教訓應用到其他事情上。 After Meron calamity, Haredim question the price of their own autonomy Ultra-Orthodox media figures are calling for a commission of inquiry, and lashing the state for letting their community endanger itself By HAVIV RETTIG GUR Today, 9:59 pm 7 An ultra-Orthodox Jewish man weeps at a cemetery in Bnei Brak, during the funeral of one of the victims of the Meron crush on April 30, 2021. (GIL COHEN-MAGEN / AFP) The shock of Friday’s catastrophe at Mount Meron is still raw. The graves of the victims, including the children killed in the crush, are still fresh. Yet the debate over what it all means for the country and for Haredi society has only begun. A few overpowering facts, not least that nearly all the victims were Haredi, are driving an unusual new introspection, and leading the major media outlets of the community to turn against one of its characteristic traits: its longstanding and much-criticized “autonomy” from the Israeli state. Haredi Israelis are simultaneously part of and apart from broader Israeli society. Making up as much as 12 percent of the Israeli population, the community is not uniform; different sects and subcultures interact in very different ways with the state and with other subgroups. While the “autonomy,” as Israelis often refer to the phenomenon, does not encompass all Haredim, it encompasses enough of the community to be — so growing numbers of Haredim now believe — a serious problem. One sees the autonomy in studies of Israel’s cash economy that point to mass tax evasion in the Haredi community; in routine clashes with police in parts of Mea Shearim, Beit Shemesh, and other places; in the refusal to take part in national service; in school networks that refuse to teach the basic curriculum taught in non-Haredi schools; and, most recently, in the refusal of many Hasidic sects over the past year to obey pandemic lockdowns. Ultra-Orthodox Jews gather at the gravesite of Rabbi Shimon Bar Yochai at Mount Meron in northern Israel on April 29, 2021, as they celebrate the Jewish holiday of Lag B’Omer. (JALAA MAREY / AFP) It is a community that talks about itself in the language of weakness, always a street scuffle or political squabble away from talk of “decrees,” “persecution,” and “antisemitism.” Proposals for welfare cuts or calls to introduce more math education in their schools are described in Haredi media in terms borrowed from czarist oppression in Eastern Europe. That rhetoric of weakness and victimhood has a purpose: to cloak or perhaps to justify the opposite reality. As a group, Haredim are not weak. They are powerful enough to constantly expand and defend their separate school systems, to found towns and neighborhoods for their communities, to maintain a kind of self-rule that forces Israeli politicians to literally beg Haredi rabbinic leaders — usually unsuccessfully — to adhere to coronavirus restrictions. The story of the Meron disaster cannot be divorced from this larger story of Haredi autonomy, from the Haredi habit of establishing facts on the ground that demonstrate their strength and independence, and then crying “persecution” when those steps are challenged. The strange meaning of ‘spontaneous’ In the two days that have passed since the disaster, investigators and journalists have uncovered a despairingly long litany of warnings from past years about the safety problems at the Meron site. State comptroller reports, police site analyses, dire admonitions by earnest safety officials in Knesset hearings — all fell on deaf ears. These records reveal that if the Mount Meron site had hosted any other kind of event — a rock concert or a political rally — then police safety regulations would have limited attendance to roughly 15,000 people. Friday’s event saw more than 100,000 in attendance. Men covered with prayer shawls at Rabbi Shimon Bar Yochai’s grave in Meron. October 11, 2017 (David Cohen/ Flash90/ File) They reveal, too, that Israeli officials simply do not believe it is possible to demand such limitations from the Haredi community. As one former senior cop told the Yedioth Ahronoth daily over the weekend, “If a safety engineer from the police, in their last inspection of the site before the commemoration, would have tried to shutter the Toldot Aharon courtyard [where the disaster occurred] — do you believe that decision would have been enforced? … Not even the chief of police can do that. If someone tries, that’s their last job in the police.” Haredi political parties, acting at the behest of Haredi religious leaders, would have made sure of it. As journalist Nadav Eyal noted in his Yedioth Ahronoth column on Sunday, the Meron festival was officially classified by the police as a “spontaneous religious event.” It’s a preposterous term for the gathering. It’s not just that the Lag B’Omer festival takes place in highly non-spontaneous fashion on a known holiday (i.e., Lag B’Omer) but it also constitutes the largest annual religious gathering in the country. Months of planning go into it. Its many different lots and bonfire ceremonies and musical performances are carefully divvied up among the competing sects and religious endowments that run the pilgrimage. Thousands of ultra-Orthodox Jews celebrate the lighting of a bonfire during celebrations of the Jewish holiday of Lag B’Omer on Mt. Meron in northern Israel on April 29, 2021. (David Cohen/Flash90) The government spends a small fortune each year on stages, grandstands and chartered buses from Haredi towns. And each year, a half-dozen government agencies all try to take credit. So when police label the event “spontaneous,” they do not mean that it is literally spontaneous. It is a way to acknowledge that the police have no control over the event, that they could not impose attendance caps or infrastructure standards even if legally required to. On Thursday, hours before the disaster, Interior Minister Aryeh Deri bragged to the Haredi radio station Kol Hai that he had successfully prevented Health Ministry officials from limiting the number of attendees over coronavirus fears. Deri lamented that the professional echelon at the ministry did not grasp that attendees would be protected by the spiritual influence of Rabbi Shimon Bar Yochai, the second-century sage commemorated at the Meron festival. Shas party head Aryeh Deri casts his vote in the general elections in Jerusalem on March 23, 2021. (Yonatan Sindel/Flash90) “The government clerks don’t understand,” he said. “This is a holy day, and the largest gathering of Jews [each year].” Bad things, he suggested, don’t happen to Jews on religious pilgrimage: “One should trust in Rabbi Shimon in times of distress.” Even as he bragged of his and the Haredi community’s political power, he then deployed, instinctively, the rhetoric of victimhood. He urged listeners “to pray for the world of Torah and for Judaism, which are in danger. They’re in great danger.” An end to the autonomy? Children were crushed to death at Meron. Hardened paramedics wept on television. When cellular networks on the mountain went down, fearful families were reduced to sharing photographs of their missing loved ones on social media in a desperate attempt to make contact. One rescuer described to reporters the moment he had to yell at a tormented colleague to stop trying to resuscitate a child: “It was hopeless, and we had to try to resuscitate others.” Rescue forces and police at the scene after a mass fatality scene during the celebrations of the Jewish holiday of Lag B’Omer on Mount Meron, in northern Israel on April 30, 2021. (David Cohen/Flash90) No complaint from secular Israel could make Haredi society question the strange autonomous bubble it had constructed as a cultural defense against the state’s modernizing influence, nor the power of the Haredi rabbis and their courts, whose egos and squabbles had divided the holy site into disconnected courtyards and helped drive Friday’s deadly chaos. But the shattering images from Meron cut through the glib self-assurance and silenced, at least for the moment, any boasts about Haredi self-rule. And as the confident voices dwindled into shocked silence, other voices came to the fore, cries of angry self-critique that are rarely heard from the mainstream of Haredi society. The voices all carried a single message: The state’s kowtowing to our leaders has brought this disaster upon us. A hat at the scene of a deadly crush during the Jewish holiday of Lag B’Omer on Mt. Meron, in northern Israel on April 30, 2021 (David Cohen/Flash90) Yossi Elituv, editor of Mishpacha, the largest-circulation Haredi weekly, urged his followers not to focus only on police errors or lack of government oversight. “Our community also has a duty to learn lessons,” he wrote on Friday. The first lesson: That the state must step in and end the chaos. “Our first and immediate task is to free the mountain from the control of the [religious] endowments…. The state needs to establish a professional authority to run the site….Take the mountain away from the endowments and confer on it the status of the Western Wall, with zero tolerance for rule-breaking.” On Sunday morning, Elituv followed up with a four-word tweet: “State investigative committee, now!” Moty Weinstock, an editor at the Haredi weekly Bakehilla, reached the same conclusion. “Any solution at Meron that amounts to less than bringing order to the entire mountain, canceling the religious endowments and dismantling all the areas designated [to specific sects] will ensure the horrifying images come back,” he declared. On social media, in other newspapers, including the Hasidic mainstay daily Hamevaser, and in countless media interviews, Haredi Israelis asked the same questions and leveled the same complaints. A community that had convinced itself it could flout the demands of state authorities has suddenly and with growing confidence and earnestness begun to cry out for “order” and “authority,” to demand that the state impose its control, the rabbinic courts’ pride and vanity be damned. New assumptions Contrary to its most basic claim about itself, Haredi Judaism is neither rigid nor unchanging. New ideas filter in, old ones are reinterpreted. Scholars of Haredi life speak of profound changes across a broad spectrum of cultural and social mores, from a growing number of Haredim in higher education, in the workforce and in the military to new roles for women and new political loyalties that are collectively driving the community into ever deeper integration with mainstream Israeli society. Yet change requires one underlying condition: It must happen quietly. Assumptions shift unacknowledged, new practices are treated as old and commonplace. Take Haredi Zionism as an example. Ten years ago, the Shas party formally declared itself a Zionist party and joined the World Zionist Organization. But the declaration was whispered, not shouted. Today, no Shas voter would believe that until a decade ago the party would not officially call itself Zionist and had avoided joining Zionist institutions. It’s the same story on the Ashkenazi side. Twenty years ago, Ashkenazi Haredim in Israel refused to acknowledge the ceremonies conducted at military cemeteries on Memorial Day. The military rituals were borrowed from other nations, they complained. Jews must commemorate in their own ancient ways. Then, over the course of the past decade, without fuss or fanfare or explicit acknowledgment of any kind, United Torah Judaism politicians have taken to officiating at those very ceremonies as official representatives of the Israeli government, standing alongside pants-clad female soldiers and laying wreaths at concrete memorials. Haredi society can change with the times, as long as it does not admit the change aloud. In 2018, just after he took part in that year’s Lag B’Omer pilgrimage to Meron, Haredi journalist Aryeh Erlich tweeted his concerns about a certain narrow walkway at the site: “The narrow exit path that leads from the bonfire ceremony of the Toldot Aharon [Hasidic sect] creates a human bottleneck and terrible shoving, to the point of an immediate danger of being crushed. And it’s the only exit…. They must not hold the bonfire at that site again before they open a wide and well-marked exit.” Erlich’s tweet went viral on Friday, exactly three years too late. In an interview Sunday with the Tel Aviv-area radio station 103 FM about the disaster he predicted so precisely, Erlich rejected any blame directed at Haredi society for the deaths. “How can you blame the Haredi public?” he demanded. The Meron pilgrimage “is a tradition that’s been going on for 550 years.” Then who was to blame? “It’s the police that approve the event. There are clear regulations. No event can take place without a safety officer, a policeman who signs off on it and approves it, and that’s what happened at Meron.” There’s a “sovereign,” he added. That sovereign “decided to ignore [the danger], chose shoddy improvisation instead, and failed to impose safety standards. The Haredi political parties are victims here; it’s not serious for the police to now say that because of [the Haredi parties] they didn’t do what they were supposed to do. The police are supposed to enforce the law.” It is a pivot in expectations that by its very denial of Haredi culpability signals the shift away from Haredi autonomy. Erlich couches his critique as a defense of Haredi political leaders. But even here, with the blame directed exclusively at the Israel Police, the argument is the same: The police no longer have the right to ignore safety rules merely because Haredi religious sects demand it. How dare the state risk the lives of its Haredi citizens by allowing Haredi autonomy to trump their safety? The catastrophe at Meron will not lead any in the community to question other elements of its separate existence, such as its independent school system. Nothing so fundamental will change from a single tragedy. But those now asking the state and the police to take over at Meron, those now questioning, openly and not-so-openly, their leaders’ wisdom and their community’s ethos of separation, will apply that lesson to other things in the future. 在內塔尼亞胡領導的政府中被吹捧為外交大臣 搖搖晃晃的英語說得很好，並在擔任司法部長和內塔尼亞胡（Natanyahu）安全內閣成員時定期與國際關係打交道。 通過GIL HOFFMAN 2021年4月15日22:12 Yamina MK Ayelet Shaked出現在2021年4月6日第24議會的就職典禮上。 （照片來源：馬克·以色列·塞勒姆/耶路撒冷郵報） 廣告 利庫德消息人士周四表示，如果總理本傑明·內塔尼亞胡（Benjamin Netanyahu）組成下一屆政府，利庫德準備將國防和外交事務既交給雅米納黨。 利庫德集團和Yamina的談判小組舉行了大約三個小時週二，熟悉會談多個消息人士說，利庫德集團可供Yamina領導納夫塔利貝內特和MK外事組合中的后防組合艾萊·沙克德。 Shaked的英語說得很好，並在擔任司法部長和內塔尼亞胡（Natanyahu）安全內閣成員時定期處理國際關係。 一位接近Shaked的消息人士說：“ Ayelet可以做得很好，但是我們仍然不在談論投資組合。” Yamina說，有關提供給該黨的職位的報導“不正確”。 內塔尼亞胡的任期將在5月4日之前組建政府，他希望下週與Yamina，Shas和Torah Judaism達成結盟協議。然後，他將專注於向宗教猶太復國主義黨領袖貝扎萊爾·斯莫特里希（Bezalel Smotrich）施加壓力，要求其擔任教育部長，而不是讓一個政府能夠將教育組合最終交給梅雷茲（Meretz）領導人尼贊·霍洛維茨（Nitzan Horowitz）。 如果內塔尼亞胡未能在5月4日前組建政府，總統魯文·里夫林（Reuven Rivlin）可能會授權貝內特與耶什·阿迪德，藍白黨，新希望黨，工黨，伊斯拉爾·貝特努，梅雷茨和拉姆（阿拉伯聯合酋長國名單）。 如果內塔尼亞胡無法組建政府，聯合托拉猶太教派或至少四個Degel Hatorah MK會加入由貝內特領導的聯盟，然後不需要拉姆的支持。 UTJ MK Yakov Asher週四告訴haredi（超東正教）電台Kol Chai，在Netanyahu任期結束之前，他的政黨將“必須重新評估局勢”。 斯莫特里奇（Smotrich）週三致信內塔尼亞胡（Natanyahu）和新希望（New Hope）主席吉迪恩·薩阿（Gideon Sa'ar），敦促他們共同為不依賴拉姆的新政府做出妥協。 斯莫特里奇在信中說：“我事先保證會支持您達成的任何安排。” “就在你手中。拯救以色列國。不要錯過這一刻。” Shaked touted as foreign minister in Netanyahu-led government Shaked speaks English well and regularly dealt with international relations when she was justice minister and a member of Netanyahu’s security cabinet. By GIL HOFFMAN APRIL 15, 2021 22:12 Yamina MK Ayelet Shaked is seen at the inauguration of the 24th Knesset, on April 6, 2021. (photo credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM/THE JERUSALEM POST) Advertisement The Likud is prepared to give both the Defense and Foreign Affairs portfolios to the Yamina Party if Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu forms the next government, sources in the Likud said on Thursday. Negotiating teams of Likud and Yamina met for some three hours on Tuesday, and multiple sources familiar with talks said the Likud offered the Defense portfolio for Yamina leader Naftali Bennett and the Foreign Affairs portfolio for MK Ayelet Shaked. Shaked speaks English well, and regularly dealt with international relations when she was justice minister and a member of Netanyahu’s security cabinet. “Ayelet would do any post well,” said a source close to Shaked, but that “we are still not talking about portfolios.” Yamina said the reports about the posts offered to the party were “incorrect.” Netanyahu, who has a mandate to form a government until May 4, hopes to finalize coalition agreements with Yamina, Shas and United Torah Judaism next week. He will then focus on pressuring Religious Zionist Party leader Bezalel Smotrich to join the government as education minister, instead of enabling a government in which the Education portfolio could end up going to Meretz leader Nitzan Horowitz. If Netanyahu fails to form a government by May 4, President Reuven Rivlin will likely give the mandate to Bennett to build a 62-MK coalition with Yesh Atid, Blue and White, New Hope, Labor, Yisrael Beytenu, Meretz and Ra’am (United Arab List). It is possible that if Netanyahu fails to form a government, United Torah Judaism, or at least the four MKs of Degel Hatorah, would join a Bennett-led coalition, which would then not require the support of Ra’am. UTJ MK Yakov Asher told the haredi (ultra-Orthodox) radio station Kol Chai on Thursday that before the end of Netanyahu’s mandate, his party would “have to reevaluate the situation.” Smotrich sent a letter to Netanyahu and New Hope chairman Gideon Sa’ar on Wednesday urging them to compromise on a new government together that would not rely on Ra’am. “I promise in advance to support any arrangement that you reach,” Smotrich said in the letter. “It is in your hands. Save the State of Israel. Do not miss this moment.” 考古學家在伊朗發現了具有千年曆史的製鐵廠 這一發現可以添加到由伊朗考古學家侯賽因·阿齊茲（Hossein Azizi）領導的一項調查中已經發現的60個文化和歷史遺跡和遺址中。 通過耶路撒冷郵報STAFF 2021年5月2日11:30 塞拉之墓，伊朗皮爾巴克蘭阿舍爾之女 （照片來源：Wikimedia Commons） 廣告 據《德黑蘭時報》報導，當地旅遊官員周六宣布，考古學家在亞茲德省卡塔姆縣查哈克農村地區發現了幾千年的鐵礦生產地。伊朗南部中部地區是一個歷史悠久的村莊。 這一發現可以添加到由伊朗考古學家侯賽因·阿齊茲（Hossein Azizi）在文化遺產和旅遊業研究所的監督下進行的一項調查中發現的60個文化和歷史遺跡和遺址中。這些場所包括建築物，城堡，渡槽，陵墓，公墓和丘陵。 這位官員報導說，迄今為止，這項調查中發現的最古老的文化元素可以追溯到舊石器時代中期，大約25,000至35,000年前。 《德黑蘭時報》報導說，現有數據表明，在阿契美尼德時代，該地區一直在生產鐵器。 確實，伊朗的文化可以追溯到將近2500年之前，即《聖經》中提到的波斯阿契美尼德王朝（約公元前600年）的創始人賽勒斯大帝和大流士的時代，然後統治整個古代近東和中亞地區。超過200年 據《泰晤士報》報導，專家們說，阿契美尼德藝術是一種兼具優雅與美麗的組合藝術。阿契美尼西亞藝術家最精緻的文物包括金屬器皿，尤其是碗，這是整個帝國發現的最重要的文物之一。 其中一些碗帶有皇家銘文，代表著這些物品在阿契美尼德法院的重要性，並為研究人員提供了有關金屬製品，裝飾風格和生產技術以及商業，社會，經濟和藝術交流的重要信息。 Archaeologists discover millennia-old iron production sites in Iran This finding can be added to the 60 cultural and historical relics and sites that have already been discovered during a survey led by the Iranian archaeologist Hossein Azizi. By JERUSALEM POST STAFF MAY 2, 2021 11:30 The Tomb of Serah, daughter of Asher, Pir Bakran, Iran (photo credit: Wikimedia Commons) Advertisement Archaeologists have discovered several millennia-old iron production sites across the Chahak rural district in Khatam county of Yazd province, a historical village in south-central Iran, a local tourism official announced on Saturday, the Tehran Times reported. This finding can be added to the 60 cultural and historical relics and sites that have already been discovered during a survey led by Iranian archaeologist Hossein Azizi under the supervision of the Research Institute of Cultural Heritage and Tourism. These sites include buildings, castles, aqueducts, tombs, cemeteries and hills. The official reported that the oldest cultural elements that have been identified so far in this survey date back to the late Middle Paleolithic, a period about 25,000 to 35,000 years ago. The Tehran Times reported that available data suggest the production of iron objects was practiced in the region during the Achaemenid era. Indeed, Iranian culture dates back nearly 2,500 years, to the days of Cyrus the Great and Darius, founders of the Persian Achaemenid dynasty (ca. 600 BCE) mentioned in the Bible which then ruled over the entire ancient Near East and Central Asia for more than 200 years. According to experts, the Times reported, Achaemenid art is a combinatorial art with both elegance and beauty. Some of the most elegant artifacts by Achaemenian artists include metal ware, especially bowls, which are one of the most important artifacts that have been discovered across the Empire. Some of these bowls have royal inscriptions, which represent the importance of these objects in the Achaemenid court and have provided researchers with significant information about the metalwork, decorating style and techniques of production, as well as regarding commercial, social, economic and artistic communication. 阿巴斯會在選舉危機中度過難關嗎？ 關於耶路撒冷投票的爭議為阿巴斯提供了取消選舉的良好藉口。沒有什麼比責怪以色列阻礙計劃的選舉更好了。 由KHALED ABU TOAMEH 2021年5月1日21:59 絕大多數巴勒斯坦人希望退出現任領導人，並希望舉行新的選舉。巴勒斯坦權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯（Mahmoud Abbas）於9月參加了與巴勒斯坦各派有關以色列-阿拉伯聯合酋長國正常化協議的虛擬會議。 （照片來源：ALAA BADARNEH / POOL VIA REUTERS） 廣告 巴勒斯坦權力機構主席馬哈茂德·阿巴斯（Mahmoud Abbas）在1月15日宣布巴勒斯坦大選時大肆賭博。 他不僅沒有解決與哈馬斯的爭端，而且沒有保證以色列將允許他在耶路撒冷舉行選舉。此外，他在執政的法塔赫派系中正面臨前所未有的危機危機。 週四，阿巴斯無限期推遲選舉，進行了更大的賭博。 他的決定激怒了包括法塔赫高級成員在內的許多巴勒斯坦人。阿巴斯不僅給自己的信譽打了烙印，而且還面臨著來自各個政治領域的巴勒斯坦人的強烈批評，他們認為他的論點可笑，因為圍繞耶路撒冷投票的爭議，他不得不取消選舉。 該決定甚至引起了歐洲聯盟和聯合國官員的嚴厲批評，他們呼籲阿巴斯為選舉設定新的日期。 推遲選舉嚴重損害了阿巴斯的信譽，但不可能結束他的獨裁統治。 在過去幾天裡，他的政治對手在西岸和加沙地帶組織的小規模街頭抗議活動並未對阿巴斯構成直接威脅。 目前，大多數抗議活動似乎是在社交媒體上進行的，許多巴勒斯坦人因15年後第一次選舉的推遲而發洩憤怒和沮喪。 但是現年85歲的阿巴斯一再表明，他並不願意為自己有爭議的，不受歡迎的決定而大張旗鼓。 2009年，阿巴斯決定放棄在聯合國人權理事會上對南非法官理查德·戈德斯通（Richard Goldstone）指責以色列和哈馬斯犯下“戰爭罪”的報告的支持，引發了憤怒。 2018年，數百名巴勒斯坦人上街遊行，抗議阿巴斯對加沙地帶實施金融制裁的決定，以破壞哈馬斯對沿海飛地的統治。 去年年底，阿巴斯決定恢復與以色列的安全協調，此舉也引起了許多巴勒斯坦人的尖銳批評。阿巴斯六個月前中止了安全協調，以抗議以色列打算將其主權擴大到西岸的猶太社區。 儘管做出了這些不受歡迎的決定，阿巴斯始終設法度過了這場風暴，這使他的敵人大為沮喪。 現在，他還有望度過因決定取消大選而引發的當前危機。 哈馬斯沒有能力對阿巴斯政權發動政變，他在法塔赫的政治對手沒有足夠的支持在西岸發起大規模抗議活動。 通過要求以色列對阻礙選舉負責，阿巴斯成功地表明，那些反對推遲投票的人似乎並不在乎耶路撒冷。 阿巴斯試圖向巴勒斯坦民眾傳達的信息是：我被迫做出這一決定，因為我不允許以色列阻止我們在首都耶路撒冷舉行選舉，將其命令強加給我們。 換句話說，阿巴斯告訴巴勒斯坦人，那些堅持在沒有耶路撒冷的情況下舉行選舉的人是叛徒，因為他們準備放棄巴勒斯坦人對該城市的權利。 阿巴斯還熱衷於給人留下這樣的印象，即推遲選舉的決定是巴勒斯坦各派領導人而不是他一個人做出的。 這就是為什麼他在拉馬拉召集各派領導人舉行會議，後來宣布這一決定得到“絕大多數巴勒斯坦領導人，派系和民族人物的認可”。 但是很難說這個決定令許多巴勒斯坦人感到驚訝，特別是那些從第一天起就認為阿巴斯並不認真地舉行選舉的巴勒斯坦人。 他的批評家和政治反對派指出，這不是阿巴斯第一次承諾舉行選舉，只是在某個時候回溯了選舉。 巴勒斯坦人仍記得總統反复無休地威脅要辭職，拆除巴勒斯坦權力機構，廢除與以色列簽署的所有協議以及撤銷巴解組織對以色列的承認。 然而，儘管法塔赫分裂，而且越來越多的跡象表明哈馬斯可以像2006年那樣贏得議會選舉，阿巴斯這次還是通過進行選舉程序使巴勒斯坦人感到驚訝。 通過命令巴勒斯坦權力機構安全部隊停止逮捕和騷擾西岸的哈馬斯成員，以促進選舉進程和“增強公共自由”，阿巴斯似乎使他的反對者相信，也許這次他是認真地舉行選舉。 巴勒斯坦權力機構領導人的大規模外交運動向以色列施加壓力，以允許在耶路撒冷舉行選舉，這也給阿巴斯的政治敵人留下了深刻的印象，阿巴斯最終可能會認真考慮允許他的人民投票。 儘管持謹慎樂觀態度，但可能取消選舉的第一個跡像出現在兩週前。當時，阿巴斯高級顧問納比爾·沙斯（Nabil Shaath）宣布，“很可能”由於以色列的失敗而推遲投票回應巴勒斯坦人關於耶路撒冷投票的要求。 Shaath的宣布之後，巴勒斯坦權力機構和法塔赫的幾位官員也發表了類似的聲明，他們強調沒有耶路撒冷就不會舉行選舉。 這些聲明最終使許多巴勒斯坦人相信阿巴斯正朝著取消選舉邁進。 在星期四晚上，阿巴斯宣布自己由於耶路撒冷爭端而推遲選舉的決定，從而證實了他對政治敵人的懷疑。 超過一半的選舉名單警告阿巴斯，不要以耶路撒冷爭端為藉口取消選舉。他們認為，巴勒斯坦人應與以色列爭奪耶路撒冷的“戰鬥”，而不是屈服於以色列的“命令”。 關於耶路撒冷投票的爭議為阿巴斯提供了取消選舉的良好藉口。沒有什麼比責怪以色列阻礙計劃的選舉或其他任何事情更好的了。 這種選擇肯定比不得不面對心懷不滿的法塔赫官員和哈馬斯所面臨的挑戰要好得多。 法塔赫已經目睹了嚴重的危機，特別是在該派系資深官員納賽爾·基德瓦（Nasser al-Kidwa）決定與被監禁的法塔赫領導人馬萬·巴爾古提（Marwan Barghouti）一起組成自己的議會選舉名單之後。 Kidwa-Barghouti聯盟以及流亡的法塔赫特工穆罕默德·達蘭（Mohamed Dahlan）（阿巴斯的競爭對手）的名單，意味著法塔赫在三塊不同的石板上奔跑。 過去五個月表明，阿巴斯在法塔赫內部所面臨的挑戰不亞於哈馬斯所面臨的挑戰。總統無疑也對以下事實表示警惕：在議會選舉中登記的36個選舉人名單中，大多數都包括以公開而著稱的候選人以及對他和巴勒斯坦權力機構的守舊派領導人的強烈批評。 阿巴斯也許已經找到了從選舉的高處爬下來的方法-但沒有任何辦法可以使他在推遲選舉決定後有望面臨的嚴峻挑戰中脫穎而出。 從該決定的反對者的強烈反應來看，巴勒斯坦舞台上的政治危機似乎正朝著升級的方向發展。 現在，阿巴斯對法塔赫的獨家控制權正受到威脅，他與哈馬斯的爭端可能會加劇。他的決定可能會結束法塔赫與哈馬斯之間的蜜月之旅，這要歸功於美國前總統唐納德·特朗普對巴勒斯坦人的“敵對”政策和決定。 Will Abbas survive the elections crisis? The controversy over the Jerusalem vote provided Abbas with a good excuse to call off the elections. There's nothing better than blaming Israel for obstructing the planned elections. By KHALED ABU TOAMEH MAY 1, 2021 21:59 THE LARGE majority of Palestinians want the current leadership out and they want new elections. Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas attends a virtual meeting in September with Palestinian factions about the Israel-United Arab Emirates normalization agreement. (photo credit: ALAA BADARNEH/POOL VIA REUTERS) Advertisement Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas took a huge gamble when he announced the Palestinian general elections on January 15. Not only had he not resolved his dispute with Hamas, but he had no guarantee that Israel would allow him to hold the elections in Jerusalem. Moreover, he was risking a crisis of unprecedented proportions in his ruling Fatah faction. On Thursday, Abbas took an even bigger gamble by indefinitely postponing the elections. His decision has enraged many Palestinians, including senior members of Fatah. Besides putting another nail in the coffin of his credibility, Abbas is now facing intense criticism from Palestinians from across the political spectrum, who consider his argument laughable that he had to call off the elections because of the controversy surrounding the vote in Jerusalem. The decision has even drawn sharp criticism from European Union and United Nations officials, who have called on Abbas to set a new date for the elections. While the postponement of the elections has seriously harmed Abbas’s credibility, it is nevertheless unlikely to bring about an end to his autocratic rule. The small street protests organized by his political rivals in the West Bank and Gaza Strip over the past few days do not pose a direct threat to Abbas. For now, it seems that most of the protests are taking place on social media, where many Palestinians are venting anger and frustration over the delay of the first elections in 15 years. But the 85-year-old Abbas has repeatedly shown that he does not care about taking a lot of flak for his controversial and unpopular decisions. In 2009, Abbas sparked outrage when he decided to drop his support for a vote at the UN Human Rights Council on a report by South African judge Richard Goldstone accusing Israel and Hamas of committing “war crimes.” In 2018, hundreds of Palestinians took to the streets of Ramallah to protest Abbas’s decision to impose financial sanctions on the Gaza Strip as a way of undermining Hamas’s rule over the coastal enclave. And late last year, Abbas decided to resume security coordination with Israel, a move that also drew sharp criticism from many Palestinians. Abbas suspended the security coordination six months earlier, in protest of Israel’s intention to extend its sovereignty to Jewish communities in the West Bank. Despite these unpopular decisions, Abbas has always managed to weather the storm, much to the dismay of his foes. Now, he is also expected to survive the current crisis triggered by his decision to call off the elections. Hamas does not have the means to stage a coup against Abbas’s regime, and his political rivals in Fatah do not have sufficient backing for launching mass protests in the West Bank. By holding Israel responsible for obstructing the elections, Abbas succeeded in making it appear as if those who oppose the postponement of the vote do not care about Jerusalem. The message Abbas sought to send to the Palestinian public is this: I was forced to take this decision, because I can’t allow Israel to impose its dictates on us by preventing us from holding elections in our capital, Jerusalem. Abbas, in other words, is telling the Palestinians that those who insist on holding the elections without Jerusalem are traitors, because they are ready to give up the Palestinians’ right to the city. Abbas was also keen to create the impression that the decision to delay the elections was taken by the leaders of Palestinian factions, and not him alone. That’s why he convened a meeting in Ramallah of the faction leaders and later announced that the decision was endorsed by a “vast majority of the Palestinian leadership, factions and national personalities.” BUT IT’S hard to say that the decision came as a surprise to many Palestinians, especially those who argued from day one that Abbas was not serious about holding the elections. His critics and political opponents pointed out that this was not the first time Abbas had promised to hold elections, only to backtrack sometime down the road. Palestinians still remember the president’s recurring and unfulfilled threats to resign, dismantle the PA, rescind all signed agreements with Israel and revoke the PLO’s recognition of Israel. Abbas, however, did surprise Palestinians this time by proceeding with the electoral process, despite the split in Fatah and increased signs that Hamas could again win the parliamentary elections, as it did in 2006. By ordering the PA security forces to stop arresting and harassing Hamas members in the West Bank to facilitate the electoral process and “boost public freedoms,” Abbas seemed to convince his opponents that perhaps this time he was serious about holding the elections. The PA leadership’s massive diplomatic campaign to exert pressure on Israel, to allow the elections to take place in Jerusalem, also seemed to impress Abbas’s political enemies that he might finally be serious about allowing his people to cast their ballots. Despite the cautious optimism, the first sign of the possibility that the elections could be called off came two weeks ago, when Nabil Shaath, a senior Abbas adviser, announced that it was “highly likely” that the vote would be delayed due to Israel’s failure to respond to the Palestinians’ request regarding the vote in Jerusalem. Shaath’s announcement was followed by similar statements made by several PA and Fatah officials, who stressed that the elections would not take place without Jerusalem. These statements finally convinced many Palestinians that Abbas was moving toward calling off the elections. ON THURSDAY night, Abbas confirmed the suspicions of his political enemies by announcing his decision to delay the elections because of the dispute over Jerusalem. More than half of the electoral lists had warned Abbas against using the Jerusalem dispute as an excuse for calling off the elections. They argued that the Palestinians should engage in a “battle” with Israel over Jerusalem rather than capitulate to Israeli “dictates.” The controversy over the Jerusalem vote provided Abbas with a good excuse to call off the elections. There’s nothing better than blaming Israel for obstructing the planned elections – or anything else. This option is certainly much better than having to face the challenges from disgruntled Fatah officials and Hamas. Fatah is already witnessing a serious crisis, especially after the decision by Nasser al-Kidwa, a veteran official of the faction, to form his own list for the parliamentary election together with jailed Fatah leader Marwan Barghouti. The Kidwa-Barghouti alliance and the list belonging to exiled Fatah operative Mohamed Dahlan, an archrival of Abbas, meant that Fatah was running on three separate slates. The past five months have shown that the challenges Abbas is facing from within Fatah are no less serious than those posed by Hamas. The president was also undoubtedly wary of the fact that most of the 36 electoral lists that had registered for the parliamentary elections included candidates known for their public and strong criticism of him and the old-guard leaders of the PA. Abbas may have found a way to climb down from the high tree of the elections – but there is no way to weasel out of the serious challenges he is expected to face in the aftermath of his decision to delay the elections. Judging from the strong reactions of the decision’s opponents, the political crisis in the Palestinian arena appears to be headed toward escalation. Abbas’s exclusive control over Fatah is now at stake, and his dispute with Hamas is likely to intensify. His decision is likely to end the honeymoon between Fatah and Hamas, which surfaced thanks to former US President Donald Trump’s “hostile” policies and decisions against the Palestinians.