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some regional institutions provide another basis for the assessment of the legitimacy of the philippines’ restrictions on political activities abroad. in southeast asia and in the pacific, there is a general legal practice of not recognizing the jurisdiction of a country’s courts to try foreigners on charges of breaking foreign laws. although the philippines does not enjoy such immunity, the fact remains that the courts here lack power over the suspects in the case that the alleged offense has occurred outside the country. it is unlikely that the people in the philippines would agree to tolerate a serious violation of the right of free expression that is committed within its territory, if it takes place abroad. the state may not be expected to refrain from protecting rights if they are infringed by persons or organizations within its territory or activities of its own citizens. it is often more than sufficient for the state to confine itself to the exercise of its authority in its own territory, and the protection of the rights of persons or groups within that territory.the united states, too, has made it clear that its protection of free speech and its recognition of the right of non-citizens to participate in politics will not be linked to a general demand that all persons have the right to engage in political activity.however, this right of free association must be limited within the limits set by the state, and not by the community or the group of which the individual wants to become a member. if the state permits individuals to hold public meetings for political discussion, it may conclude that these meetings are likely to produce violence and disorder. it may, for example, exclude those who are likely to produce disorder and violence on the basis of a national or religious affiliation. in this case, it is not the individual, but the state, that is bound to observe the limits in conflict with the right of association.
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